The earliest industrial concerns were modest operations and played a mostly inconsequential role in the local economy. Industrial and Manufacturing Schedules from 1850, 1860, and 1870 census returns revealed only limited industrial activity in the region. Most of these facilities were powered by animals, water or steam and employed fewer than 10 workers. Grist mills were the most common type of industrial enterprise in Ellis County during the middle of the 19th century, and their operation reflected the prevailing sustenance agricultural-based economy that existed at that time. Wheat and corn were the primary crops cultivated by local farmers who often had their harvests milled and then kept the finished goods for themselves.
Another early type of industrial facility was the cotton gin which became common after cotton was first introduced to the fertile soils of Ellis County in the 1840s. Gins were an essential part of the emerging cotton culture that developed in subsequent years. They extracted seeds from the fiber and then compressed the cotton into more compact and dense bales that facilitated their shipment to textile mills on the Eastern Seaboard or in Europe. Most of the early gins relied on horses or oxen as the source of power (White 1957:27). As a consequence, these gins were relatively small in size and scale and had a relatively limited production capacity.
Hans Smith, who settled on the south side of Red Oak Creek near present-day Palmer, reportedly operated Ellis County’s first cotton gin where he processed all locally grown cotton for two or three years (Texas Historical Commission marker files). No physical evidence of Smith’s or other early gin complexes are extant, but these structures probably were similar to contemporaneous ones built in other parts of the state. A typical early gin, as described by White (1957:27), was composed of two parts that included a gin house and a press. The gin house was a 2-story frame building that was open on three sides on the first floor. The gin stand, which processed the cotton, was on the second floor, and all the machinery that powered the gin stand was on the ground floor.
As cotton production totals for Ellis County soared in subsequent years, especially after the Civil War, many new gins were built throughout the county. Innovations in the gin equipment and new sources of power (steam) contributed to a proliferation of new and more efficient gins. Census records for 1870 noted that four gins operated in Ellis County, including one in Waxahachie, one in Milford, and two in Red Oak. A decade later, a total of 12 gins were in operation, most of which were in central, northern, and northeastern Ellis County. By the turn of the century, cotton gins were common sights in the numerous small farm towns of the county (see Figure 4). Gins, which represented the first step in the processing of cotton into a useable consumer good, typically were built near the farms to make them easily accessible to local growers.
The new generation of gin that became popular in the late 19th century was no longer housed in a small and crudely constructed frame shed, but rather operated from larger and more substantial frame or brick structures. In contrast to the slow two- to four-horsepower gin of the Civil War era, the gin of the late 1890s:
… contained 4 gins of 70 saws each with a double square-bale press and a suction apparatus attached, requiring an 80 – horsepower engine. Such a plant in constant operation will yield from 40 to 60 bales of cotton per day. The wagon, loaded with seed cotton, is driven under a flexible slip of a joint pipe and the cotton is drawn up by the suction created by an exhaust cleaner. By this separator and cleaner the dust, sand and leaf trash are sifted and drawn through by suction and thus freed from impurities as the cotton is conveyed through a distributor to the automatic gin feeders. After filling all the feeders the surplus cotton falls out and the ginner by means of a simple lever, causes the suction to change from the direction of the wagon to that of the overflow, and the overflow cotton is conveyed to gin feeders. From all the gins the cotton is conducted by a flue system to a condenser, and fed into one box of the self-packing revolving double press. In this way lint is ginned into one box while the bale is being pressed out in the other (White 1957:61).
Gins that are representative of this era are extant in Lone Cedar, Maypearl, and Five Points.
Although regarded as an industrial facility, gins were small operations that did not require much capital to construct. Therefore, they were built in great numbers throughout the county and, for the most part, were independently owned and operated. During the off season, they sometimes were used as grist mills.
Gins quickly became important local centers of activity and helped define communities in rural areas. Sometimes the establishment of a gin spurred other construction nearby, such as a store, school, or church. This pattern was common in Ellis County during the cotton boom era of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Besides gins, another type of cotton-related industrial facility that played a significant role in the county’s historical development was the cotton compress, which packed the cotton into even more dense bales. Such a step was necessary to ship the cotton by way of ocean-going vessels. Unlike gins, however, cotton compresses were a major undertaking and required a substantial amount of investment to construct. Therefore, they were not built as frequently as gins. Cotton compresses typically were erected in the county’s largest cities, adjacent to railroad tracks.
Prior to the Civil War, the only compresses in the state were in Houston and Galveston. The cost and crude technology involved in their construction made it prohibitive to build them anywhere except in those ports where the cotton would be shipped to the textile mills. This scenario led to the development of a railroad network in the state, with most tracks terminating in Houston or Galveston. The H&TC Railroad, which extended through Ellis County, was one such railroad.
By the 1880s, however, innovations in the manufacture of equipment used in compresses helped to bring costs down, and the same railroad network that was built to bring cotton to the port cities also enabled the compress machinery to be easily transported into the hinterlands of Texas. All this led to the construction of a number of cotton compresses in the state, including many in the Blackland Prairie region, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The Ennis Cotton Compress, for example, was established in 1885, and it had a capacity to handle up to 700 bales per day. Waxahachie at one time had two cotton compresses, both of which were erected near the railroad tracks. One of the structures (the National Compress Co. Building) is still used as a compress and is listed in the National Register of Historic Places.
Another type of industrial operation that contributed to Ellis County’s agricultural-based economy was the cottonseed oil mill that utilized the seeds that were extracted in the ginning process. When cotton was first grown in Ellis County, the seeds were simply discarded as a useless by-product of the ginning process. However, when the seeds were pressed, the oil was found to be an effective soap and was also suitable for food oil, animal feed, and other uses. Like compresses, these oil mills were major operations and were erected only in larger communities with other cotton-related industries. During the early 20th century, Waxahachie boasted. three cottonseed oil mills.
Improvements in the transportation network obviously aided efforts to ship cotton to markets and also contributed to the development of the compress and cottonseed oil industries; however, as early as the 1870s, cotton growers in Ellis County and the rest of Texas began to resent the shipment of their own goods to textile mills in England or the eastern United States and then ultimately returned to Texas as a finished and expensive product. The authors of the 1870 Texas Almanac pondered:
Where is the sense in supposing that the machinery which turns cotton into cloth should be located one thousand or two thousand miles away from the place where the raw material is grown? What commercial or other necessity is there that a bale of cotton should be taxed with the cost of transportation, of cartage, of warehousing, before it can be turned into cloth? Why should all this waste be contributed to enrich communities far from the locality where the crop is planted? People do not want raw cotton; as a general thing, they want cotton cloth… (Texas Almanac 1870:167).
Although such sentiments were “pressed relatively early in Texas’ cotton-boom era, little initially was done to erect textile mills in the state primarily because of the vast capital needed for their construction. During the 1890s, several such factories were built in the state’s leading cotton centers, primarily along the Blackland Prairie Belt. Among those erected was one in Waxahachie in 1899-1900. A significant portion of the financial backing came from local townspeople who believed the investment would lead to even greater economic prosperity. The mill began its operation with 204 looms and 9,000 spindles but almost doubled its capacity by 1907. The company also built a large boarding house and 24 dwellings for the textile workers.